By Yung Ping Chen (auth.)
As a member of the home international Affairs Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, i'm unavoidably fascinated by the long run position of Communist China in international affairs. a real realizing of Peking's overseas coverage explanations and goals is feasible provided that one has a seize of the ideological foundations and conflicts of the modern leaders of the chinese language Communist occasion. Therein lies the worth of Professor Yung Ping Chen's revised version chinese language Political idea: Mao Tse-tung and Liu Shao-chi. inside of a compact variety of pages, Professor Chen's booklet offers the rt~ader with a transparent and prepared grab of the basics of Com munist chinese language ideology. even if its scholarship is obvious, the work's interpretation don't weigh down the reader with long quotations or confuse him with over the top speculations-difficulties occasionally associa ted with books approximately China. in its place, Professor Chen looks to be able to lessen complex principles to potential proportions. In his revised variation, the writer uses resource fabric which lately has turn into on hand outdoor China to explain concerns concerned about the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." That phenomenon, which has triggered a lot ask yourself and hypothesis within the West, is analyzed through Professor Chen. He describes for the reader the underlying ideological components that have emerged from the good turmoil in China, putting them inside of a framework of demonstrated ancient occasions whereas heading off the pitfall of never-ending theorizing approximately occasions and occasions inside of China approximately which too little is but known.
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Additional info for Chinese Political Thought: Mao Tse-Tung and Liu Shao-Chi
21. 35 38 32 CHINESE CONDITIONS to the thesis generally accepted by Marxists, the peasantry does not constitute an ecanomic class of its own. Marx and Engels saw the peasantry as a transitory social group, because it would gradually sink into the proletariat. 41 While classifying the peasantry as a lower middle class, they branded it as reactionary in its character because it tried to roll back the wheel of history in order to survive. The peasants were revolutionary only if, by chance, they happened to be aware of their impending transfer into the proletariat and of their adoption of the standpoint of the proletariat.
He said: The peasants have for a long time been tied to the land and have been engaged in production in a form that is scattered, independent, simple, self-sufficing and with little mutual co-operation. Their way of life is simple and individualistic and they bear the burden ofland rent and unpaid services, etc. Thus, the ground is prepared for their lax ways, conservatism, narrow-mindedness, backwardness, outlook of •• Mao, "Analysis of the Classes," Sel. , I, 15. Mao Tse-tung, "How to Analyse the Classes in the Rural Areas" (1930), in his Selected Works, I, 139.
A J. V. Stalin, "The International Situation and the Defense of the USSR" (1927), in his Sochineniia, X, 25. • J. V. Stalin, "The Revolution in China and the Tasks of the Comintern" (1927), in his Sochineniia, IX, 286. • Mao Tse-tung, "The May Fourth Movement" (1939), in his Selected Works, III, 10. , 1954-56), I, 14. 44 DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION and a part of the national bourgeoisie hadjoined forces with the feudal and colonial forces and thus also become enemies of the people. Toward the end of this period, nonetheless, he began to recognize Japanese imperialism and its Chinese collaborators as the chief enemy of the Chinese people.